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He passed away relatively quickly, with little time spent in the hospital, and for that I was grateful. He did not want to be there. It has taken a while to try to assemble into words the jumble of thoughts in my head.

The Collector: A Novel of Romantic Surrender

People call me more now. Wanting the the Luna Moth to fly When I was in my very early twenties, my first husband and I separated, and I had sort of a mental meltdown. Alcohol flowed…a lot of it. At some point during this period in my life I just got disgusted with…well, everything. Mostly myself, I guess. I was not a good person. Looking back, I can see no redeeming qualities about the pe. The crickets I mean. This blog is that quiet- I know. Throw in the release of The Lion Man and it has kept me up working until the wee hours.

Odd jobs, depression and rants Doing little odd jobs outside, getting ready for fall, planning ahead for winter. We cut wood, and I think of winter. What happened to August? I used to love winter, but since my peripheral neuropathy got really bad, all I can think of is how much I am going to be hurting. Oh, I hate feeling down. Channel it into writing I te. I really need to get busy on the book, This is a Dark Ride now.

Two posts in one. August 17, Recently, I was caring for two neonate baby opossums. Sadly, they both died. I am even sadder to hear that none of the others survived either. Everyone caring for them did their best; I guess they were just too little. Kai Flume - Sleepless feat. Love - Fixin' To Die G. Love - Walk On G. Love and Special Sauce - Astronaut G. Love and Special Sauce - Muse G. Irma Thomas Galactic - Into the Deep feat. Raekwon Ghostmouth - Gyarados Pt. Gorillaz - Charger feat. Lizzo Greg Grease - Killer Love feat. Raydio and Big Cats! Cole - Lost Ones J. Sunde - Easy Kid J.

Cale - Crazy Mama J. Ondara - Mother Christmas J.

The Lion Man

Ondara - Revolution Blues J. Miguel Janelle Monae - Q. Erykah Badu Janelle Monae - Tightrope feat. Samson - Cruise Night John K. Lang - Constant Craving K. Raydio - Freefall K. Raydio - My Outro K. Raydio - Proof K. Kristoff Krane - Shine On feat. Ed Sheeran Lupe Fiasco - Pressure feat. Ward - Confession M. Ward - Fuel For Fire M. Ward - Green River M. Ward - Hi-Fi M.

Ward - Jailbird M. Ward - Let's Dance M. Ward - Primitive Girl M. Ward - Rave On M. Ward - Requiem M. Ward - Right in the Head M. Ward - To Go Home M. Ward - To Save Me M. Amber Coffman Malachai - Rainbows feat. Kevin Parker Mark Ronson - Just feat. Bruno Mars Mark Ronson - Valerie feat. Chrisette Michele Nas - Cherry Wine feat.

S - Bumper P. S - Dear Boy P.

OWNING REGINA - Lesbian Romance (preview part 1) BDSM - Bondage - Fetish Relationship

S - Faded P. S - Get Down feat. S - Goodbye P. S - Lanes P. S - Purexed P. S - Savion Glover P. S - They Can't Come feat. S - Wave P. S - Wearing A Bear P. S - Where We Land feat. Prince - Face Down Prince - Fallinlove2nite feat. Raydio Psymun and Damacha - Me Natalie feat. Raydio - Joyride Psymun and K. Raydio - Jupiter Psymun and K. Raydio - Lobby Music feat. Greg Grease Psymun and K. The two territories are disjunct in all their prominent respective relations.

In point of locality, they approximate only by a strip of sterile and useless territory, which must long remain a comparative wilderness, and present many serious embarrassments to that facility of intercourse which should always exist between the seat of government and its remote popu. In respect to commerce and its various intricate relations, there is no community of interests between them. The one is altogether interior; is consequently abstracted from all participation in maritime concerns; and is naturally indifferent, if not adverse, to any system of polity that is calculated to promote the diversified and momentous interests of commerce.

The other is blest with many natural advantages for extensive commercial operations, which, if properly cultivated, would render many valuable accessions to the national marine, and a large increase to the national revenues. The importance of an efficient national marine is evinced, not only by the history of other and older governments, but by the rich halo of glory which encircles the brief annals of the Mexican navy.

In point of climate and of natural productions, the two territories are equally dissimilar. Coahuila is a pastoral and a mining country: Texas is characteristically an agricultural district. The occupations incident to these various intrinsic properties are equally various and distinct; and a course of legislation that may be adapted to the encouragement of the habitual industry of the one district might present only embarrassment and perplexity, and prove fatally deleterious to the prosperity of the other. Neither is it important to Texas whether those evils have proceeded from a sinister policy in the predominant influences of Coahuila, or whether they are the natural results of a union that is naturally ad.

The effects are equally repugnant and injurious, whether emanating from the one or the other source. Bexar, the ancient capital of Texas, presents a faithful but a gloomy picture of her general want of protection and encouragemrent. Situated in a fertile, picturesque, and healthful region, and established a century and a half ago within which period populous and magnificent cities have sprung into existence , she exhibits only the decrepitude of age-sad testimonials of the absence of that political guardianship which a wise government should always bestow upon the feebleness of its exposed frontier settlements.

A hundred and seventeen years have elapsed since- Goliad and Nacogdoches assumed the distinctive name. Other military and missionary establishments have been attempted, but, from the same defect of protection and encouragement, they have been swept away, and scarcely a vestige remains to rescue their locations from oblivion. We do not mean to attribute these specific disasters to the union with Coahuila, for we know they transpired long anterior to the consummation of that union.

But we do maintain that the same political causes, the same want of protection and encouragement, the same mal-organization and impotency of the local and minor faculties of the government, the same improvident indifference to the peculiar and vital interests of Texas, exist now that operated then. Bexar is still exposed to the depredations of her ancient enemies, the insolent, vindictive, and faithless Comanches.

Her citizens are still massacred, their cattle destroyed or driven away, and their very habitations threatened, by a tribe of erratic and undisciplined Indians, whose audacity has derived confidence from success, and whose long-continued aggressions have invested them with a fictitious and excessive terror.

Her schools are neglected, her churches desolate, the sounds of human industry are almost hushed, and the voice of gladness and festivity is converted into wailing and lamentaiior,. Goliad is still kept in constant trepidation; is paralyzed in all her efforts for improvement; and is harassed on all her borders by the predatory incursions of the Wacoes, and other insignificant bands of savages, whom a well-organized local government would soon subdue and exterminate.

These are facts, not of history merely, on which the imagination must dwell with an unwilling melancholy, but they are events of the present day, which the present generation feel in all their dreadful reality. And these facts, revolting as they are, are as a fraction only in the stupendous aggregate of our calamities.

Our misfortunes do not proceed from Indian depredations alone; neither are they confined to a few isolated, impoverished, and almost tenantless towns. They pervade the whole territory —operate upon the whole population —and are as diversified in character as our public interests and necessities are various.

Texas at large feels and deplores an utter destitution of the common benefits which have usually accrued from the worst system of internal government that the patience of mankind ever tolerated. She is virtually without a gove'rnment; and if she is not precipitated into all the unspeakable horrors of anarchy, it is only because there is a redeeming spirit. We are perfectly sensible that a large portion of our population, usually denominated "the colonists," and composed of Anglo-Americans, have been greatly calumniated before the Mexican government.

But could the honorable Congress scrutinize strictly into our real condition-could they see and understand the wretched confusion, in all the elements of government, which we daily feel and deplore-our ears would no longer be insulted, nor our feelings mortified, by the artful fictions of hireling emissaries from abroad, nor by the malignant aspersions of disappointed military commandants at home. Our grievances do not so much result from any positive misfeasance on the part of the present state authorities, as from the total absence, or the very feeble and mutile dispensation, of those restrictive influences which it is the appropriate design of the social compact to exercise upon the people, and which are necessary to fulfil the ends of civil society.

We complain more of the want of all the important attributes of government, than of the abuses of any. We are sensible that all human institutions are essentially imperfect. But there are relative degrees of perfection in modes of government as in other matters, and it is both natural and right to aspire to. This is wisely declared in our present state constitution, to be "the happiness of those who compose it. In the one case, the governors are partakers, in common with the governed, in all the political evils which result to the community, and have therefore a personal interest in so discharging their respective functions as will best secure the common welfare.

In the other supposition, those vested with authority are measurably exempt from the calamities that ensue an abuse of power, and may very conveniently subserve their own interests and ambition, while they neglect or destroy " the welfare of the associated. Constituting a remote frontier of the republic, and bordering on a powerful nation, a portion of whose population, in juxtaposition to hers, is notoriously profligate and lawless, she requires, in a peculiar and emphatic sense, the vigorous application of such laws as are necessary, not only to the preservation of good order, the protection of property, and the redress of personal wrongs, but such also as are essential to the.

That such a judicial administration is impracticable under the present arrangement, is too forcibly illustrated by the past to admit of any rational hope for the future. It is an acknowledged principle in the science of jurisprudence, that the prompt and certain infliction of mild and humane punishment is more efficacious for the prevention of crime than a tardy and precarious administration of the most sanguinary penal code.

Texas is virtually denied the benefit of this benevolent rule by the locality and the character of her present government. Crimes of the greatest atrocity may go unpunished, and hardened criminals triumph in their iniquity, because of the difficulties and delays which encumber her judicial system, and necessarily intervene a trial and conviction, and the sentence and the execution of the law.

Our "supreme tribunal of justice " holds its sessions upward of seven hundred miles distant from our central population; and that distance is greatly enlarged, and sometimes made impassable, by the casualties incident to a' mail" conducted by a single horseman through a wilderness often infested by vagrant and murderous Indians. Before sentence can be pronounced by the local courts. But our difficulties do not terminate here. After the assessor shall have found leisure to render his opinion and final judgment is pronounced, it again becomes necessary to resort to the capital to submit the tardy sentence to the supreme tribunal for " approbation, revocation, or modification,"' before the judgment of the law can be executed.

Here we have again to encounter the vexations and delays incident to all governments where those who exercise its most interesting functions are removed by distance from the people on whom they operate, and for whose benefit the social compact is created. These repeated delays, resulting from the remoteness of our courts of judicature, are pernicious in many respects. They involve heavy expenses, which, in civil suits, are excessively onerous to litigants, and give to the rich and influential such manifold advantages over the poor as operate to an absolute exclusion of the latter from the remedial and protective beuo.


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They offer seductive opportunities and incitements to bribery and corruption, and endanger the sacred purity of the judiciary, which, of all the branches of the government, is most intimately associated with the domestic and social happiness of man, and should therefore be not only sound and pure, but unsuspected of the venal infection.

They present insuperable difficulties to the exercise of the corrective right of recusation, and virtually nullify the constitutional power of impeachment. In criminal actions they are no less injurious. They are equivalent to a license to iniquity, and exert a dangerous influence on the moral feelings at large. Before the tedious process of the law can be complied with, and the criminal-whose hands are perhaps imbrued in a brother's blood-be made to feel its retributive justice, the remembrance of his crime is partially effaced from the public mind; and the righteous arbitrament of the law, which, if promptly executed, would have received universal approbation, and been a salutary warning to evil-doers, is impugned as'vin dictive and cruel.

The popular feeling is changed from a just indignation of crime, into an amiable but mistaken sympathy for the criminal; and an easy and natural transition is converted into disgust and disaffection toward the government and its laws. These are some of the evils that result from the. The catalogue might be greatly enlarged, but we forbear to trespass on the time of the honorable Congress confiding to. Those evils are not likely to be diminished, but they may be exceedingly aggravated by the fact that that political connection was formed without the cordial approbation of the people of Texas, and is daily becoming more odious to them.

Although it may have received their reluctant acquiescence, in its inception, before its evil consequences were developed or foreseen, the arbitrary continuance of it now, after the experience of nine years has demonstrated its ruinous tendencies, would invest it with some of the most offensive features of usurpation. Your memorialists entertain an assured confidence that the enlightened Congress of Mexico will never give their high sanction to anything that wears the semblance of usurpation or of arbitrary coercion.

The idea may possibly occur, in the deliberations of the honorable Congress, that a territorial organiza. But the wisdom of Congress will readily detect the fallacy of these reasons, and the mischief consequent to such vain sophistry. In this remote section of the republic, a territorial government must, of necessity, be divested of one essential and radical principle in all popular institutions-the immediate responsibility of public agents to the people whom they serve. The appointments to office would, in such case, be vested in the general government; and although such appointments should be made with the utmost circum-spection, the persons appointed, when once arrayed in the habiliments of office, would be too far removed from the appointing power to feel the restraints of a vigilant supervision and a direct accountability.

The dearest rights of the people might be violated, the public treasures squandered, and every variety of imposition and iniquity practised, under the specious pretext of political necessity, which the far-distant government could neither detect nor control. And we would further present, with great deference, that the institution of a territorial government would confer upon us neither the form nor the substance of our high guarantee.

It would, indeed, diversify our miseries, by opernng new avenues to peculation and. The only and adequate remedy that your memorialists can devise, and which they ardently hope the collective wisdom of the nation will approve, is to be found in the establishment of a local state government.

We believe that if Texas were endowed with the faculties of a state government, she would be competent to remedy the many evils that now depress her energies, and frustrate every effort to develop and bring into usefulness the natural resources which a beneficent Providence has conferred upon her. We believe that a local legislature, composed of citizens who feel and participate in all the calamities which encompass us, would be enabled to enact such conservative, remedial, and punitive laws, and so to organize and put into operation the municipal and inferior authorities of the country, as would inspire universal confidence; would encourage the immigration of virtuous foreigners-prevent the ingress of fugitives from the justice of other countries-check the alarming accumulations of ferocious Indians, whom the domestic policy of the United States of the North is rapidly translating to our borders; would give impulse and vigor to the industry of the people-secure a cheerful subordination and a faithful adhesion to the state and general governments; and would render Texas what.

We believe that an executive chosen from among ourselves would feel a more intense interest in our political welfare, would watch with more vigilance over our social concerns, and would contribute more effectually to the purposes of his appointment. We believe that a local judiciary, drawn from the bosom of our own peculiar society, would be enabled to administer the laws with more energy and promptitude-to punish the disobedient and refractory-to restrain the viciousness of the wicked-to impart confidence and security of both person and property to peaceable citizens-to conserve and perpetuate the general tranquillity of the state-and to render a more efficient aid to the co-ordinate powers of the government in carrying into effect the great objects of its institution.

We believe that, if Texas were admlitted to the Union as a separate state, she would soon "figure" as a brilliant star in the Mexican constellation, and would shed a new splendor around the illustrious city of Montezuma. We believe she would contribute largely to the national wealth and auggandizement-would furnish new staples for commerce, and new materials for manufactures. The cotton of Texas would give employment. The honorable Congress need not be informed that a large portion of the population of Texas is of foreign origin. They have been invited here by the munificent liberality and plighted faith of the Mexican government; and they stand pledged, by every moral and religious principle, and by every sentiment of honor, to requite that liberality, and to reciprocate the faithful performance of the guarantee to "protect their liberties, property, and civil rights," by a cheerful dedication of their moral and physical energies to the advancement of their adopted country.

But it is also apparent to the intelligence of the honorable Congress that the best mode of securing the permanent attachment of such a population is, to incorporate them into the federal system, on such equitable terms as will redress every grievance, remove every cause of complaint, and insure, not only an identity of interests, but an eventual blending and assimilation of all that is now foreign and incongruous. The infancy of imperial Bome was carried to an early adolescence by the free and unrestricted admission of foreigners to her social compact.

England never aspired to " the dominion of the seas" until she had united the. Fiance derives her greatness from the early combination of the Salii, the Frank, and the Burgundian. And Mexico may yet realize the period when the descendants of Montezuma will rejoice that their coalition with the descendants of Fernando Cortez has been strength. For these and other considerations, your memorialists would solemnly invoke the magnanimous spirit of the Mexican nation, concentrated in the wisdom and patriotism of the federal Congress. And they would respectfully and ardently pray that the honorable Congress would extend their remedial power to this obscure section of the republic; would cast around it the sovereign mantle of the nation," and adopt it into a free and plenary participation of that " constitutional reginme" of equal sisterhood which alone can rescue it from the miseries of an ill-organized, inefficient, internal government, and can reclaim this fair and fertile region from the worthlessness of an untenanted waste, or the more fearful horrors of barbarian inundation.

Your memorialists, on behalf of their constituents, would, in conclusion, avail themselves of this oppor. They would also declare their gratitude to the patriot-chief and his illustrious associates whose propitious conquests have saved from profanation " the august temple in which we have deposited the holy ark of our federal constitution," and have secured the ultimate triumph of the liberal and enlightened principles of genuine republicanism.

And they would unite their fervent aspirations with the prayers that must ascend from the hearts of all good Mexicans, that the Supreme Ruler of the universe, who " doeth his will in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth," would vouchsafe to this glorious land the blessings of peace and tranquillity; would preserve it, in all future time, from the horrors of civil discord; and would shed down upon its extended population the increased and increasing effulgence of light and liberty which is fast irradiating the European continent, and extirpating the relics of feudal despotism of the antiquated errors of a barbarous age from the civilized world.

Austin presented this constitution and memorial to that government, then centralized under the entire control of Santa Anna, he was arrested and kept in Mexico, till September, To the eloquent appeals of the memorial, the Mexican authorities, in imitation of the conduct of Great Britain just before the memorable contest for Independence, when petitions from her American colonists were presented-turn-ed a deaf ear.

In the spring of , while Stephen Austin was languishing in a Mexican prison, Colonel Joan Al1 monte was commissioned by the Supreme Government to visit Texas, and report his observations to the Executive, which are so pertinent that the following extracts are here inserted: If we consider the extraordinary and rapid advances that industry has made; its advantageous geographical position, its harbors, the easy navigation of its rivers, the variety of its productions, the fertility of the soil, the climate, etc.

Texas must soon be the most flourishing section of the Republic. There is no difficulty in explaining the reason of this prosperity. In Texas, with the exception of some disturbers con ecepcion de aalyunos revoltosos , they only think of growing the sugarcane, cotton, maize, wheat, tobacco; the breeding of cattle, opening of roads, and rendering the rivers navigable. Moreover, the effects of our political commotions are not felt there, and often it is only by mere chance our dissensions are known.

Situated as Texas is, some leagues from the capital of the Federation, it is easy to conceive the rapidity of its progress in population and industry, for the reason that Texas is out of the reach of the civil wars that have unfortunately come upon us. The inhabitants of that country continue, without interruption, to devote themselves to industrious occupations, giving value to the lands with which they have been favored by the munificence of the Government. Are not they the owners of those valuable lands? Are they not capable of encountering dangers with firmness and courage?

Let small companies be formed; enter into contracts with agricultural laborers; appoint to each of the companies its overseer, agent, or colonial director; and I will be the. Let those who wish to test the worth of this assurance visit the plantations of the colonists, and they will perceive I am no dreamer. I do not hesitate particularly to assure retired officers and invalids, that the best way to provide for their families is to solicit permission of the Government to capitalize their pay, and go and colonize Texas.

There they will find peace and industry, and obtain rest in their old age, which, in all probability, will not be found in the centre of the Republic. My object being to adduce the Commissioner's authority as Mexican evidence to fact, I shall refer to his testimony in the order of his. The investigation commenced in the spring, and terminated in the autumn of The most difficult part of the journey to Texas is the space between the Rio Grande and Bexar, which extends a little more than 50 leagues by what is called the Upper Road, and above 65 leagues by the way of Loredo.

These difficulties do not arise from the badness of the road itself, but from the absence of population, rendering it necessary to carry provisions and even water during summer, when it is scarce in this district. This tract is so flat and rich in pasturage that it may be travelled with sufficient relays, and at a suitable speed, without the fear of wanting forage. San Antonio de Bexar, with a population of 5, souls, and Goliad, with 1,; total, 6, In there were four municipalities, with the following population respectively: Deducting for the municipality of San Patricio an Irish settlement , the Mexican population had declined.

This is the only district of Texas in which there are no negro laborers.

See a Problem?

Of the various colonies introduced into it, only two have prospered; one of Mexicans, on the river Guadalupe, by the road which leads from Goliad to San Felipe; the other of Irish, on the river Nueces, on the road from Matamoras to Goliad. With the exception of San Patricio, the entire dis.

The greater part of the lands of Beexar can ecsily be irrigated, and there is no doubt that so soon as the Government, compassionating the lot of Texas, shall send a respectable force to chastise the savages, the Mexicans will gladly hasten to colonize those valuable lands which court their labor. All the provisions raised by the inhabitants are consumed in the district. The wild horse is common, so as rarely to be valued at more than 20 rials about 10 shillings British when caught. Cattle are cheap; a cow and a calf not being worth more than 10 dollars, and a young bull or heifer from 4 to 5 dollars.

Sheep are scarce, not exceeding 5, head. The whole export trade is confined to from 8, to 10, skins of various kinds, and the imports to a few articles from New. Orleans, which are exchanged in San Antonio for peltry or currency. What is to be the fate of those unhappy Mexicans who dwell in the midst of savages without hope of civilization? Goliad, Victoria, and even San Patricio, are similarly situated, and it is not difficult to foresee the consequences of such a state of things. In the whole department there is but one curate, the vicar died of cholera morbus in September last.

The district containing these towns is that which is generally called' Austin's Colony. Brazoria, Harrisburg, Velasco, Bolivar. In the population are included 1, negroes, introduced under certain conditions guaranteed by the State Government intloducidos bajo ciertas cojndciones, yGa'rati. It is to be hoped that this traffic has already been stopped; and it is desirable that a law of the General Congress and of the State should fix a naximuvm period for the introduction of negroes into Texas, as servants to the empresarios, which period ought not, in my opinion, to exceed ten or twelve years, at the end of which time they should enjoy absolute liberty.

Towards the northwest of San Felipe there is now a new colony under the direction of Robertson; the same that was formerly under the charge of Austin. In , upwards of 2, bales of cotton, weighing from to lbs. The maize is all consumed in the country, though the annual crop exceeds 50, barrels.

The cattle, of which there may be about 25, head in the district, are usually driven for sale to Natchitoches. The cotton is exported regularly from Brazoria to New Orleans, where it pays 21 per cent. The price of cattle varies but little throughout Texas, and is the same in the Brazos as in Bexar. There are no sheep in this district; herds of swine are numerous, and may be reckoned at 50, head. Taking the estimate for the settlements having been ravaged by the cholera in , the exports and imports are estimated thus: Value of exports, , dollars exclusive of the sale of live stock.

The imports are estimated at , dollars. The wealthier colonists prefer sending their children to the United States; and those who have not the advantages of fortune care little for the education of their sons, provided they can wield the axe and cut down a tree, or kill a deer with dexterity. Nacogdoches municipality has a population of 3,; that of San Au. Zavala, Burnet, and Vehlein, empresarios, who first undertook the colonization of the immense tracts which they obtained of the State of Coahuila and Texas, and which are laid down in the maps of the North as lands of the'Galveston Bay Company.

Of the contracts of Zavala, Burnet, and Yehlein, some expired last year, and others will expire during the present year. But the latter have not even the titles to their properties, which it would be only fair to extend for them, in order to relieve them from that cruel state of uncertainty in which some have been placed for several years, as to whether they appertain to the United States or to Miexico.

And as these colonists have emigrated at their own expense, it seems just that the contractors on whose lands they have settled, and who were not instrumental to the introduction of their families, should not receive the premium allowed by law. In stipulating with those contractors empresarios both the General and State Government have hitherto acted with too much negligence, and it would be well that they should now seriously turn their attention to a matter so deeply important.

The exports consist of cotton, skins of the deer, otter, beaver, etc. There will be exported during this year about 2, bales of cotton, 90, skins, and 50, head of cattle, equal in value to , dollars. The imports are estimated at , dollars; the excess in the amount of imports is occasioned by the stock which remains on hand in the stores of the dealers. There are no sheep, nor pasturage adapted to them. There are above head of swine, which will soon form another article of export. There are also a number of saw-mills. A steamboat is plying on the Brazos River, and the arrival of two more is expected; one for the Neches, the other for the Trinity, " The amount of the whole trade of Texas for the year may be estimated at 1,, dollars.

Purchases are made on credit, or by barter; which gives the country, in its trading relations, the appearance of a continued fair. Trade is daily increasing, owing to the large crops of cotton, and the internal consumption, caused by the constant influx of emigrants from the United States.

The number of hostile Indians is estimated at 10,, and of friendly tribes 4,; of the former, 9, are appropriated to the Department of Bexar, and the remaining to the Brazos. A Lettel from Austin. From his prison the patriot Austin wrote to his people on the 25th of August, I have long since requested to be delivered to the authorities of the State of Coahuila and Texas; and I presume I shall finally be sent to the district court Federal Judge of that state. The President, Santa Anna, is friendly to Texas and to me of this I have no doubt , would have set me at liberty long since, and in fact issued an order to that effect in June, had not some statements arrived about that time from the State Government of Coahuila and Texas against me, which I understand have contributed to.

It is said the report of the State Government on the subject is founded solely on the statements of some influential persons who live in Texas. WVho those persons are I know not. It is affirmed that they are North Americans by birth, and I am told that if I am not imprisoned for life, and totally ruined in property and reputation, it will not be for the want of exertion and industry on the part of some of my countrymen who live in Texas.

Whether all this be true or not, I know I am unwilling to believe it. I am also told that no efforts were left untried, during the last winter and spring, to prejudice the members of the legislature and State Government against me at Monclova. Austin perhaps wrote thus of him in order to gain his liberty.

Motier Foux: A Novel of Romantic Bondage

According to Yoakum, Santa Anna, on the 5th October, , "convoked a meeting composed of his. The session was opened at eleven o'clock in the morning. The president having stated the topics to which the discussion was limited, Austin laid before the meeting the object of his mission, and the grounds of his petition. After a discussion which lasted three hours, embracing every head of the question, and in which several of the members participated, Austin urged lastly the separation of Texas from Coahuila, and its formation into an independent state.

This was opposed by the representatives of the state in the national Congress, and particularly by Victor Blanco, who spoke last on the subject. Santa Anna then resolved" 1. That he would meditate maturely the decree repealing the 11th article of the law of the 6th of April, , and, if no objections were presented, would give it his sanction. That a corps, composed of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, four thousand strong, should be stationed at Bexar, for the protection of the coast and frontier of the country, to be under the command of General Mexia. That proper steps should be taken to have regular mails, and to remove all obstacles to the agricul.

That Texas must necessarily remain united with Coahuila, because it had not the elements warranting a separation, nor would it be convenient. And though it might be allowed to form a territory, if the inhabitants called for it, yet the dismembering of a state was unknown to Mexican laws, and he would be at a loss how to proceed. He was jealous and distrustful of the Texans, refused to release Austin, but still kept him under his eye, nor did he release him until nearly a year after this time.

It might have been that he feared his presence in Texas until after sending thither troops to keep them in subjection, for he knew Austin's popularity and influence with his people. And then, again, Santa Anna had heard of the restlessness of the Texans and their aspirations for selfgovernment, and perhaps doubted whether they would support his despotism if left free to act for themselves. Early in , Col. Travis, with some Texans, captured Tenorio and his men, disarmed them and sent them away, thus showing their contempt for the Mexican Government, which had invited them to immigrate and become citizens, but afterwards failed to do justice and protect them.

To avenge this insult the Mexican Government sent a man-of-war to Galveston, which, according to Ken. Thompson proved himself altogether unfit for his mission. Instead of instituting an inquiry into the facts of the alleged outrage, he assumed the character of a blustering dictator, exceeded his orders, and, under the pretext of protecting the revenue, at.

This had the effect of irritating the public mind against both Thompson and the Government, and the former having continued to linger on the coast, a merchant. The insolent assumption of authority by Thompson, on the one side, and the insulting seizure of a Mexican vessel of war, on the other, operated injuriously on the relations subsisting between the General Government and Texas, and imparted greater boldness to the section of Anglo-Americans who desired to bring on an open rupture.

Johnson, James Bowie, Judge R. Wharton, Edwin Waller, and others of the same kind of mettle, who wore the galling chains of despotic rule mightily against their wills, and were desirous of an open ruptlure. On the 30th July, , Col. Travis wrote from San Fehlipe, to Bowie, who was then in Nacogdoches: The peace partyt, as they style themselves, I believe, are the strongest, and make much the most noise. Unless we could be. There is now no doubt but that a central government will be established.

What will Texas do in that case Dr. Miller, and Chambers, from Gonzales, are, I believe, for unqualified submission.

Full text of "The history of Pendennis"

I do not know the minds of the people upon the subject; but if they had a bold and determined leader, I am inclined to think they would kick against it General Cos writes that he watnts to be at peace with us; and he appears to be disposed to cajole and soothe us. Ugartechea does the same God knows what we are to do! I am determined, for one, to go with my countrymen: Miller, wrote from San Felipe, to John W. Smith, of San Antonio: The war and speculating parties are entirely put down, and are preparing to leave the conrutry.

They should now be demanded of their respective chiefs, a few at a time. First, Johnson, Williamson, Travis and Williams, and perhaps that is enough. Captain Martin, once so revolutionary, is now, thank God, where he should be, in favor of peace and his duty; and by his influence, in a good degree, has peace been restored. But now they should be demanded.

The moment is auspicious. The people are up. Say so, and oblige one who will never forget his true allegiance to the supreme authorities of the nation, and who knows that, till they are dealt with, Texas will never be quiet. Travis is in a peck of troubles. Miller disclaims his act in taking Anahuac, and he feels the breach. Don Lorenzo de Zavala is now in Columbia, attempting to arouse, etc. Have him called for, and he also will be delivered up.